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NonAligned Movement for Nepal

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Persistent Positive Public Pressure for a Peaceful and Prosperous Nepal.

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New Constituent Assembly Begins

The Birendra International Convention Center at Baneshwor, Kathmandu which houses the Constituent Assembly of Nepal.

After the first version of the Constituent Assembly was doomed due to a number of factors, the second Constituent Assembly of Nepal has formally begun today. Although the strengths have   shifted to the traditionally established political parties, the issues of the people remain the same.



On a closer analysis of a few key matters, we realize that the promulgation of the Constitution within one year as promised by the political parties is not as easy as it may seem.

First, the issue of  Federalism has not been properly studied.

 While it is true that the Nepalese want a united Nepal, the emergence of ethnic and regional politics reminds us that the majority of the people also crave for a respect for their cultural and regional identities. Thus, the major issue of the second constituent assembly will be to study and sort out a historically and economically pragmatic solution to the issue of restructuring of the state.





Second, the issue of the sharing of power.
Sharing of Power in the new Constitution can be even messier than this given the conflicts of interests.

While it is unlikely that there not be a separation of the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary given the success of the West Minister stylized parties in the new elections; there is still a need to sort out the perfect form of the Executive and Legislative Leadership. The much floated and once agreed French Model will now find it difficult to be endorsed given the tendencies of the victorious parties towards the idea of a Ceremonial President as the Head of the State and the Primeminister as the head of everyday affairs of the state. Still whether the prime-minister should be elected directly or from the house will be an interesting question. The Shihanouk King or the reestablishment of Monarchy is not practically possible despite the theoretical resurrection of monarchical sympathizers.

Third, the issue of  egoistic pride and resulting procrastination.

Drafting constitution in one year requires work at a reasonable pace and hindrances posed by the power games are sure to  mar the smooth working of the Assembly. While two months were required just to begin the first meeting, it has to be taken in mind that the Assembly is just not complete yet. The handful of seats that are to be nominated are sure to bring a lot of division amongst the various parties and inside the individual parties themselves only to slow down even the starting of the real discussion towards really writing the clauses of the future constitution. And then when the Assembly is complete it is again obvious that the main agenda will be the formation of the Government and not constitution writing.


Fourth, the issue of Sovereignty.

While officially we declare ourselves to be sovereign, our parties are officially guided by interests not only limited to we the people but also according to interests of individual regional powers and our neighbours. The ambitions of India and China have been influential in how the political parties behave, and given our strategic Geopolitical location the interests of the Western Powers are not negligible. So, without regular public awareness and pressure, to  plainly believe that our parties will draft according to our interests is too naaive.



Since the Constitution is supposed to be a all encompassing document for a considerable period of time, a consensus between the political forces on major issues is necessary. Equally important is the presence of persistent positive public pressure so that the constitution that we draft is not only suitable to the present needs of our people but also sustainable.